PRESIDENT George Bush announced after his re-election in November 2004 that he had “earned political capital” and was determined to spend it. With a new mandate and majorities in both houses of Congress, he soon proposed several domestic reforms, in particular to social security, the public pensions programme of the United States. He proclaimed his desire to use these reforms to consolidate what he called the ownership society.
In the world’s anti-Bush zones it is fashionable to regard him as an imperialist redneck of limited intellectual capacities. But beyond that view (1), the idea of an ownership society is the core of a sophisticated neoconservative vision for radically reconfiguring US domestic politics that is markedly different from ordinary neoliberalism. It has important international ramifications.
The US built a three-tier pension system around the Social Security Act of 1935, the triumph of the welfare system established by President Franklin D Roosevelt after the great depression of the 1930s. It was a public pension programme, inspired by Bismarck’s 19th-century reforms in Germany, providing retirement income to those employed long enough to qualify. Social security (which represents more than a quarter of federal taxation) is a mutual system: what comes in annually from payroll tax contributions (currently 6.2% of wages each from employee and employer, with a cap on taxable income at $90,000) goes out immediately to pensioners. Over the years reforms have reduced the mutual element in the system as a whole, to the advantage of pension funds.
The replacement rate is low - 25%-30% of pre-retirement wages - with extra provision for widows and the disabled (2). But since the 1930s social security has significantly reduced poverty among the elderly, once a desperate problem: between 1959 and 1979 it halved. For two-thirds of the retired population, it now represents more than half their income.
Founded on principles of general solidarity and publicly shared risk, social security is the most important part of what remains of the US social protection system (3). As in Europe, it now faces problems of finance. With people living longer, the ratio of working contributors to retired beneficiaries is rapidly worsening. The postwar baby-boomer generations, born between 1945 and 1967, are beginning to retire while the working age population shrinks steadily. Some forecasts indicate that payouts will exceed contributions in 2018 and that bankruptcy could threaten by 2042.
Bush has manufactured a crisis around these projections (4) to promote changes in social security inspired by neoconservative ideas. Bush’s plan proposes that younger workers invest 4% of their payroll taxes, with an initial maximum of $1,000 annually, in private personal retirement accounts (5). There is no compulsion, but the fear that the current system will collapse and benefits are certain to be cut is a strong incentive.
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